| Module
1: Environmental Issue:
Ask anyone to name the most pressing environmental
problem facing the world today and the chances
are they'll say global warming. If you'd asked
the question 25 years ago, the answer would have
been desertification. Desertification was the
first major global environmental issue. It hit
the headlines worldwide in the mid-1970s when
international concern over famine in West Africa
focused attention on both drought and desertification
as insidious causes. Desertification was seen
as a threat not just to the newly independent
countries of Sahelian Africa, but to dry lands
all over the world. It loomed like a specter over
the future viability of rich and poor countries
alike. Since that time, however, desertification
has slipped down the list of global environmental
priorities. Although the issue has continued to
arouse much interest in both scientific and popular
circles, it has also been associated with conflicting
opinions and has perplexed researchers for decades.
More than a hundred different definitions of the
word have been used by scientists over the years.
Literally, desertification means the making of
a desert, but although the word has been in use
for more than half a century, a widely accepted
definition of the term has only recently been
agreed.
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Most authorities now accept that desertification
occurs in dry lands, defined using the boundaries
of climatic classifications and comprising about
one-third of the planet's land surface. These
are the world's deserts and their fringes, but
the dry lands susceptible to desertification exclude
the hyper-arid heart of the Sahara and most of
the Arabian peninsula because these `true' deserts
offer so few resources to human populations they
can hardly become more desert-like. Recent thinking
on desertification refers to it as a process of
land degradation in susceptible dry lands.
Two subsequent assessments have been made and
UNEP has been accused of treating these estimates
as if they were based entirely upon scientific
data.
In an effort to improve the global picture, a
questionnaire was sent to every country with dry
land areas within: their territory, so that governments
could contribute their assessments of areas affected.
But this approach was a failure, Many national
governments found the question impossible to answer.
Some observes suggested that it was in the interest
of governments to overestimate the threat of desertification
in their countries in the hope of gaining more
development aid.
It has even been suggested that desertification
became an `institutional fact', one that UNEP
wanted to believe to warrant the continued existence
of its desertification control unit, rather than
because the evidence was there to support it.
Some people question whether a global assessment
of something as poorly understood as desertification
is possible, or even useful, given that solutions
to the problem should be locally oriented. However,
a case can be made for a global assessment if
only to put the issue into perspective, to identify
specific problem areas and to generate the political
and economic will to do something about it.
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But overgrazing as a major cause of desertification
has been completely reassessed in recent years.
The idea that a fixed number of animals should
graze a pasture, and that exceeding this `carrying
capacity' results in degradation, is now thought
to be wrong. The notion works in more temperate
environments, but dry lands are so changeable,
thanks to sporadic rainfall, fires, and pest attacks,
that they seldom reach a stable point. Hence,
the best way to use them is to stay flexible and
grab opportunities when they become available;
to move animals about so that they can eat what
nature offers. This is the traditional strategy
employed by nomadic herders who for many years
were thought to be the main culprits in the desertification
issue. They were an easy target to blame. National
governments tend to dislike people who are constantly
on the move because they are difficult to control
and tax, and their movement makes it hard to healthcare
and education. Nomadic societies are now thought
to be the best way to use the dynamic resources
of dry land pastures. Many areas thought previously
to have been `overgrazed' are considered the result
of highly variable rainfall.
Desertification continues to be a major global
environmental issue, but the way it is perceived
has changed significantly since the terrible Sahel
drought of the early 1970s. Our better understanding
of how land use creates desertification has meant
that the skills of nomadic herders are being acknowledged
in development circles. The shift in emphasis
towards a more balanced appreciation of the social
and economic forces behind desertification, has
even cast doubt on the way in which famine in
the Sahel was used as the launch pad for a global
appreciation of the desertification issue. There
is no doubt that drought and desertification contributed
to the extreme shortages of food, but many observers
now admit that there were other, more immediate
causes. Most of the Sahelian countries struck
by famine were also plagued by poverty, civil
unrest and war. Mass starvation was more to do
with inadequate food distribution and people's
inability to buy what was available.
The long-running saga of desertification has taught
us important lessons on how to deal with global
environmental issues. The idea that desertification
could be solved by the year 2000 was unrealistic.
No such deadline has been set by the UN Convention
to Combat Desertification, formed as an outcome
of discussions held at the Earth Summit in Rio
de Janeiro in 1992. The convention will continue
to seek out sustainable ways of living in dry
lands. Resolution of such complex problems is
unlikely to have a finite end. It requires continual
improvement in understanding of how the physical
processes work and the true causes. And since
both are likely to keep changing, the management
solutions also have to remain dynamic.
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Module 2: Unequal Employment:
Equal employment opportunity has been an explicitly
stated national goal since enactment of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964. In furtherance of this goal,
Congress authorized creation of the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission (EEOC) to enforce compliance
with the act's provisions against discrimination
in employment, and to work with state and local
fair employment practices agencies in their enforcement
of related antidiscrimination laws. These joint
efforts have led to complex intergovernmental
relations among national, state, and local governmental
organizations.
The Evolution of Employment Discrimination Policy
Employment discrimination policy has developed
within the context of a federal system of governance.
Both the national government and individual states
create and execute policies.
A division of responsibility between levels of
government based on the nature of the program
or service provided is part of the ongoing debate
over proper allocation of authority among governmental
levels (Rivlin, 1992).
From early conflict over slavery to clashes over
desegregation and voting rights, disagreement
about the nature of federalism has often centered
on issues related to states rights in a federal
system (Nice, 1987). Traditional views about dual
federalism, in which power and responsibility
is divided between the national and state governments
and each exercises authority in its respective
jurisdiction, reinforced the perspective that
states, when enacting segregation laws, were exercising
authority in their own relatively autonomous sphere.
The national government, however, exerted authority
in a variety of areas, including fair employment,
particularly during the New Deal and Great Society
periods.
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When the national Civil Rights Act of 1964 was
enacted, over 20 states had some type of fair
employment law, and several states had laws requiring
racially segregated employment. The coordinated
enforcement requirement in Title VII of the act,
which indicated that the newly created EEOC was
to work with sub national fair employment agencies,
was reinforced by views about cooperative and
creative federalism. Instead of separate spheres
of authority, there were areas of overlap, with
power and responsibility for certain policies
shared between national and state governments
to varying degrees.
Growing federal involvement in the implementation
of civil rights policy was challenged during the
Reagan administration as part of an overall effort
to shift many governmental responsibilities to
the states (Amaker, 1988; Nathan and Doolittle,
1987). Devolution and decentralization varied
by state and program (Lester, 1986; U.S. Advisory
Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, 1993).
Fair housing enforcement by states increased (Lamb,
1991) and fair employment enforcement showed a
mixed approach (Wood, 1990).
[4]State governments are viewed in various ways.
Sometimes they are seen as obstructing the implementation
of national civil rights policies. Alternatively,
they are seen as the recipients of undue amounts
of regulation from the national government, especially
concerning direct and crosscutting regulations
such as those related to nondiscrimination. State
governments are also seen as providing leadership
concerning efforts to assure nondiscrimination.
(For examples, see Beam, 1983; Bullock and Rodgers,
1976; Haynes, 1982; Kettl, 1983; Orfield, 1978;
and Walker, 1981.) The national government has
similarly been viewed as being too active in fair
employment policy making (Belz, 1991) and not
active enough (Walton, 1988). Views about whether
fair employment policies should be the primary
responsibility of the national government or of
sub national governments is based, in large part,
on beliefs about how best to address a problem
that is national in scope, but experienced locally
(Eads and Fix, 1984; Hill, 1964; Witherspoon,
1965; and Yarborough, 1985).
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Administrative enforcement by national and sub
national entities play a large role in the ongoing
development of employment discrimination policy.
Enforcement is affected by the existence of adequate
resources, i.e., an adequate number of properly
trained staff, adequate budgetary support, and
authority appropriate to the task (Bullock and
Lamb, 1984; Edwards, 1980; Walton, 1988; and Wood
and Waterman, 1991). Implementation of employment
policy, like other public policies, is influenced
by organizational responsiveness, processes used
by administrative agencies, the nature of the
policy, the larger political, economic, and social
environment, and the intergovernmental relationship
between enforcement agencies at the national and
state level (Goggin, 1987; Gormley, 1992; Hedge,
Scicchitano, and Metz, 1991; Menzel, 1983; Walton,
1988, Wood; 1990; and Van Horn and Van Meter,
1975; 1976).
Intergovernmental relations are a broadly inclusive
concept that describes a dynamic process of interaction
among governmental units in the development of
public policy (Benton and Morgan, 1986). The overlapping
authority model of intergovernmental relations
suggests a noncentralized, nonhierarchical system
of governance with sub national governments sharing
authority with the national government (Wright,
1988). Chief features of the model have been grouped
as follows. The authority characteristic includes
features of widely distributed authority and few
areas of autonomy. The interdependence characteristic
includes features of a large degree of interdependence
and simultaneous cooperation and competition.
The bargaining characteristic includes features
of relationships based on bargaining-exchanging
and negotiation as a strategy for reaching agreement.
The overlapping authority model assumes a common
purpose or, at a minimum, shared interests, power,
and authority. It provides a framework for investigating
the nature and form of the intergovernmental relationship
between the EEOC and state agencies and the relationship's
effect on enforcement. The extent to which intergovernmental
characteristics of overlapping authority, interdependence,
and bargaining influence enforcement will now
be examined in the context of the statutory requirement
for a coordinated effort between the EEOC and
state agencies.
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Module 3: Current Health Insurance Plan:
I don’t have any health insurance plan.
The reasons are as follows:
- Households with private insurance receive
fewer medical procedures than households with
employer-provided health insurance. This may
reflect the fact that private insurance does
not usually cover pre-existing conditions. Given
that those with private health insurance consume
fewer medical services than those with employer-provided
insurance, the cost (net of administrative cost)
of private health insurance is likely lower
than the cost (net of administrative cost) of
employer-provided insurance. Therefore, the
calculation of administrative costs above likely
understates the administrative cost of private
health insurance.
The second potential reason people do not purchase
health insurance is adverse selection, which implies
that only the most unhealthy purchase private
insurance, which makes premiums prohibitively
expensive for healthy people. However, the evidence
presented in table 3 refutes this explanation.
Fully 81 percent of people aged 50-64 with private
insurance report that they are in good health.
However, only 65 percent of the uninsured do likewise.
Therefore, the uninsured are more likely to be
unhealthy than those who purchase private insurance.
Comparing those older than 65 who purchase private
Medigap health insurance with those who only have
Medicare or who have no health insurance at all,
again we see that those who purchase private insurance
are healthier than those with no insurance other
than Medicare.
Module 4: Education Issue:
Education has two main goals: to give individuals
the opportunity to develop them, and to provide
society with the skills it needs to evolve in
its best interests. Canada's educational system
is based on finding a coordinated approach to
the pursuit of these sometimes conflicting goals.
Comprehensive, diversified, and available to everyone,
the system reflects the Canadian belief in the
importance of education.
Unequal Education:
In the hours that are added, the nature of the
school as an environment where children gain experience
in a world of [societal] values will be emphasized,
and not just spending time in an institution that
imparts knowledge; reverse discrimination. A professional
and financial investment in impoverished children,
in geographically poor areas, in the Arab sector;
raising the teachers status in society: a complete
“academization” of the educational
profession, significant raises in teacher remuneration,
firing teachers that do not meet the high professional
standards; decentralization of control over the
educational system: downsizing the Education ministry,
transferring a significant amount of its authority
to regional educational authorities that will
be set up, and giving greater authority to the
school principal; content and core subjects: “A
proper balance must be maintained between the
central program that all schools must follow,
but at the same time, every school must have the
ability to decide its particular direction, what
it chooses to emphasize according to its particular
school population and its particular world view,
and this must be done through a fair budgeting
of all resources”.
A failed educational system is, by definition,
an unequal educational system. And that is what
we have today in Israel. That’s why these
recommendations before us are so important—that
they see the direct connection between quality
education and equal education. In other words,
making the system more efficient, and giving principals
the tools to achieve efficiency, are catalysts
for great equality.
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Module 5: Urban Development Issue:
Affordable housing in the form of multifamily
projects is often thought of as solely an urban
issue. Yet the need can be just as acute in rural
areas.
Case in point is a project that was slated to
begin construction in October in Woodburn, Ore.,
about 35 miles south of Portland. It is estimated
that 11% of surrounding Marion County's farm workers
lack suitable housing.
The area is noted for its tree nurseries. While
much of the need for housing exists among year-round
workers with families, there is also a significant
need for a rising number of seasonal workers,
according to Pietro Ferrari, a housing developer
with Community and Shelter Assistance Corp., Newberg.
CASA (Spanish for "house") is a nonprofit
housing organization specializing in farm worker
projects.
Ferrari explains that local growers do provide
some housing, but that it is often overcrowded.
Workers who don't stay in the grower-provided
units end up jamming into other housing, living
in cars, or camping. When they are able to find
housing, the increasing level of rents drives
the workers' housing costs well above the 30%
of income the federal government typically considers
appropriate. A new day. One answer to the problem
involves a bank construction lender, a multi-bank
community development corporation, and a variety
of state and federal assistance programs, all
working with CASA.
The project is a 50-unit multifamily project
called "Nuevo Amanecer" (Spanish for
"A New Day"). The approximately $3 million
project is designed to serve the needs of households
with 40% or less of area median income. A portion
of the project includes units with as many as
five bedrooms, to accommodate larger families.
Some units will be reserved for seasonal workers.
The construction lender is West One Bank, Oregon,
Portland, an $800 million-assets subsidiary of
West One Bancorp., Boise, Idaho.
West One's loan will be supported by two forms
of assistance from the Federal Home Loan Bank
of Seattle, Wash., which the bank belongs to by
virtue of a thrift it acquired.
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The first form of assistance is a grant under
the Seattle institution's version of the Affordable
Housing Program. This grant, made last June, reduces
the loan principal by $200,000, according to Pete
Herman, vice-president and loan program manager
at West One's mortgage subsidiary.
The second form of assistance will come through
a reduced-rate advance to West One under the Seattle
home loan bank's Community Investment Program.
The term of the advance will be matched to the
term of the construction loan, once that is finalized,
according to Herman. (Both the grant program and
the cut-rate advances are nationwide offerings
provided by the l 2 home loan banks under the
mandate of the Financial Institutions Reform,
Recovery, and Enforcement Act. More detailed information
appeared in the October issue's Mortgage Report.)
West One does a fair amount of multifamily lending,
according to Herman. But it derives particular
comfort in this case from the fact that the bank's
construction loan already has an arranged takeout.
This comes from another form of bank involvement
in Nuevo Amanecer.
Enter NOAH. In mid-1990, Oregon commercial banks
formed the Network for Oregon Affordable Housing--
NOAH. Today, NOAH, a nonprofit community development
corporation, provides fixed-rate mortgage loans
for terms up to 30 years on projects with five
or more units.
One of NOAH's goals is enabling banks to provide
affordable housing assistance outside of metropolitan
areas. The group became interested in Nuevo Amanecer
as a pilot effort to fund farm worker housing
through conventional financing. (The federal Farmers
Home Administration has operated a grant and direct
loan program for farm worker housing for many
years.)
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The project, still going through the final stages
of underwriting during the summer, presented NOAH
with several challenges. One that was still being
resolved was the appraisal of a property including
five-bedroom units. Until recently, three-bedroom
units were a rarity for the area and larger apartments
were rarer still.
There are 15 bank members of NOAH, representing
80% of Oregon's banking assets. Nine banks, including
West One, planned to participate in the Nuevo
Amanecer takeout, a 30-year fully amortizing mortgage.
Special assistance. The project, operating under
a specially formed entity called Farm worker Housing
Development Corp. (FHDC), has been granted a federal
Low-Income Housing Tax Credit. It will receive
numerous other types of assistance as well.
For example, two state programs will reduce rents.
These include tax credits under the Oregon Lenders'
Tax Credit, which reduces the rate on the permanent
loan by four percentage points, and another tax
credit program designed for farm worker housing.
The benefits of these programs are designed to
pass through to tenants. Case’s Ferrari
says a typical two-bedroom unit in the area rents
for $480, versus $280 at the project. Tenants
will also be able to pay a portion of their rent
using federal Section 8 vouchers.
All told, these and other forms of assistance
should bring the net borrowings, to FHDC, for
the $3 million project down to approximately $852,000,
according to West One's Peter Herman. The units
were expected to be ready for occupancy next summer.
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